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Friday, January 31, 2020

A Look at Some Key Stats and Numbers for the Super Bowl - NBC Bay Area

After more than 4,000 plays, 1,000 points and 125 touchdowns between them, there are countless numbers that tell the story of how the San Francisco 49ers and Kansas City Chiefs made it to the Super Bowl.

The Chiefs have relied on a big-play passing game led by Patrick Mahomes, while the Niners have had plenty of success on the defensive side.

Here’s a look at some key numbers for both teams that could help determine which team wins the game. (All stats courtesy of SportRadar unless otherwise specified):

64.6. The Chiefs passed the ball on 64.6% of first and second-down plays in the first 28 minutes of games this season, situations when the time and score have the least impact on play-calling. That’s the second highest rate in the NFL over the past 20 seasons to the 66.6% for the Steelers in 2018.

74.8. The 49ers have run the ball on 74.8% of plays so far this postseason, the second highest rate in the Super Bowl era to the 82.3% for the Miami Dolphins on the way to winning the title in the 1973 season.

6.65. The Niners led the NFL this season in first-down production, averaging 6.65 yards per play. That’s a staple of coach Kyle Shanahan’s offenses. The best performing first-down team in the past 20 seasons was the 2016 Falcons, who averaged 7.58 yards per play with Shanahan as offensive coordinator. Five of the top 24 teams in the past 20 years were coached by Shanahan.

4. The Chiefs have rallied to win four games they trailed by at least 10 points this season, including twice in the playoffs. They are the second team in that past 25 seasons win multiple games in a postseason when trailing by double digits, joining the 2014 Patriots, who did it vs. Baltimore and Seattle. San Francisco was tied for the second-most double-digit comebacks this season with three.

32. No team threw the ball deep fewer times this season than the 49ers. Their 32 pass attempts at least 20 yards downfield were the second fewest in the NFL in the past 13 seasons. They were successful when they did throw deep with the 106.8 rating on deep throws ranking second in the NFL to Kansas City’s 122.6.

37. The Chiefs ranked second in the NFL this season with 37 pass completions on throws that traveled at least 20 yards downfield. But no team was stingier against deep passes than the Niners, who allowed only eight all regular season. That’s the fewest in the NFL over the past 14 seasons.

44. Kansas City hasn’t lost a game by more than eight points in its last 44 contests, including the postseason. The only teams to have longer streaks are Seattle (46 from 2011-14), Green Bay (45 from 2009-12) and New England (45 from 2010-13). The last time the Chiefs lost by more than eight came in a 28-17 defeat to Dallas on Nov. 5, 2017, with Alex Smith at QB. Garoppolo has lost by more than eight just once in 28 career starts, a 38-27 defeat at Kansas City last season.

22. San Francisco and Kansas City were tied for the NFL lead with 22 sacks on third down this season. Mahomes has the second-lowest third-down sack rate the past two seasons among players with at least 200 passes on third downs at 7.3%.

31. The 49ers used play action on 31% of dropbacks, the highest rate in the league, according to NFL NextGen starts. Garoppolo averaged 10.3 yards per attempt on play action compared to 7.4 ypa on other passes.

4.17. The Chiefs have allowed only 4.17 yards per carry over the past six games, a marked improvement from the start of the season. Kansas City allowed 5.11 ypc over the first 12 games, the third worst mark in the league in that span. The Niners are averaging 4.73 ypc for the season.

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A Look at Some Key Stats and Numbers for the Super Bowl - NBC Bay Area
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キーコーヒー - 日本経済新聞

キーコーヒー

(4月1日)マーケティング本部市場戦略兼イリー事業部長、茂田優

同開発研究所長、R&Dグループリーダー田中正登志

東日本支社首都圏ユニットリーダー(西日本支社近畿ユニットリーダー)清田欣也

西日…

[有料会員限定] この記事は会員限定です。電子版に登録すると続きをお読みいただけます。

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Locke And Key: Every Key In The Comics (And What They Do) - GameSpot

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Bloomberg's Insane Spending Could Box His Rivals Out of Key Ad Markets - Mother Jones

Patrick Semansky/AP

Michael Bloomberg’s presidential campaign has been buying ads at a voracious pace—more than a quarter billion dollars’ worth in barely three months of campaigning—but his nearly limitless appetite doesn’t just threaten to overwhelm his opponents with his message. It could change the ad markets themselves.

Even online, advertising space is not unlimited, and Bloomberg’s deluge of spending threatens to swamp all other potential advertisers—political or not—and drive up the price of buying an ad. That could prevent other candidates with smaller war chests from getting their messages out, and it could really put a dent in advertising from super-PACs and other outside spending groups that will likely see the ad rates they pay skyrocket. 

“It’s a supply-and-demand business,” says Steve Passwaiter, general manager of CMAG, the political advertising division of ad-tracking firm Kantar Media. “There’s only so much inventory, and when it’s gone it’s gone. Obviously, as the inventory disappears, the cost goes up and up and up.”

Of course, Bloomberg isn’t alone in his big spending. Democratic candidate Tom Steyer has been aggressively shelling out since he jumped into the race last August, and President Donald Trump has pledged to spend upward of $1 billion on his reelection campaign. (Although Trump partially self-funded his campaign in 2016, he is not doing so this year.) But Bloomberg has dropped an unprecedented amount of money in a very short period of time, racking up expenditures on a scale that’s usually not seen until the closing months of the general election. Unlike Bloomberg’s apparent ad buy budget, the amount of ad space available for purchase is actually strictly limited—candidates want their ads to run at very specific times and on very specific television stations. Some early voting states, like New Hampshire, have only one in-state television network, putting a real premium on the ad time available on that station. 

We’ve never seen spending like Bloomberg’s this early in a race, Passwaiter says, noting that both Bloomberg and Trump have bought ads on national networks, as opposed to just specific local markets. Nationwide advertising doesn’t usually happen until late in the election, and Passwaiter has never seen a political candidate buying national airtime during the Super Bowl, as both Trump and Bloomberg have done.

The Super Bowl ads aren’t going to box other candidates out of any markets—Bernie Sanders and Amy Klobuchar were unlikely to drop $5 million or more on a Super Bowl spot—but the high volume of ad buys in smaller markets could, especially come Super Tuesday.

Bloomberg has opted to skip the four early voting states. Instead, he’s buying heavily in the states that vote on Super Tuesday, March 3. That’s when his rivals could really find themselves crowded out of ad markets, particularly in smaller Super Tuesday states like Maine and Oklahoma.

“At some point, a subset of the current group of candidates is going to emerge from those first four states, and then they will likely have to run into the buzzsaw that is Michael Bloomberg,” Passwaiter says.

There will be intense competition for ad time in Super Tuesday states. Even if the inventory of available ads doesn’t run out, ad rates will begin rising, since they go up as ads are purchased. That could pinch campaigns with less deep pockets than Bloomberg’s. But it could really hamper other would-be advertisers. That’s because candidates for office are charged the lowest available rate for a particular block of ad time. Everyone else will see their rates skyrocket. Passwaiter predicts that all the political spending will begin crowding out traditional advertisers—businesses like car dealerships and furniture stores. According to a CMAG report, the number of car ads dipped dramatically in the weeks before the last election, and in key battleground states, political ads accounted for almost half of the ads run during nightly news broadcasts. 

Ironically, the ad buying of three big-spending billionaires could actually dilute some of the effects of the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision—which ushered in a flood of outside spending on political campaigns—by making it much more expensive for super-PACs to buy airtime. As candidates spend more, the rate super-PACs have to pay will jump, potentially limiting their effective buying power.

There’s one clear winner from the media blitz by Bloomberg and his billionaire rivals: TV networks. “If you own a television station in one of the Super Tuesday states, I’d say everyone is ordering filet mignon for lunch,” Passwaiter says. 

Bloomberg isn’t just flooding the airwaves, though. He’s also purchased a barrage of digital ads—about $45 million worth, almost twice as much as the next biggest Democratic spender, Steyer, according to digital ad tracking site Acronym. The market for digital ads may be more flexible, but it is not unlimited. Ken Dawson, president of digital advertising firm Eleventy Marketing, which worked with Ben Carson’s campaign in 2016, says that platforms like Facebook will eventually choke off the number of political ads showing up on people’s feeds.

“All the platforms do the same,” Dawson says. “They do a good job of balancing the consumer experience. There is a finite amount of inventory, and no doubt they flex into demand, but they do cap it. They’re only going to give you so much.”

Unlike with television ads, which will be viewed by anyone watching a specific program at a specific time, with online ads campaigns can target specific types of Facebook or Instagram users, and the market for those particular eyeballs is even more limited, Dawson says. Trump’s campaign won’t be targeting the same users as Bloomberg’s, and it’s unlikely that a campaign could buy up all the ads, Dawson says, but big spends can certainly can drive up the price to an unreasonable level for specific audiences. And unlike with television, which gives campaigns the advantage of paying the lowest available rate, everyone gets thrown into an open auction to buy space online. Big Bloomberg buys make it much more expensive for everyone, Dawson says, including rival campaigns.

Bloomberg is also buying a different kind of digital ad. Candidates tend to mix their online ads with fundraising appeals. Even Steyer, whose campaign doesn’t need the money, was forced to because the Democratic debates have required participants to show they have certain numbers of individual donors. Bloomberg isn’t even doing that, instead focusing purely on his message, and attacks on Trump. (He’s opted not to take part in the debates.) But Dawson says this creates a bit of a mystery. Digital advertising allows a campaign to closely track supporters’ level of interest; traditionally, nothing has been as good of a sign of serious interest as when an ad can goad a supporter into donating. Bloomberg’s strategy prevents him from getting that information.

“How do you justify the spending of any marketing dollar without that feedback loop?” Dawson asks. “I can go buy eyeballs all day long, but how do I measure the success of my campaign if I don’t understand if people are willing to jump in? You can spend a quarter billion on Facebook in this cycle, and show all these engagement numbers, but I’m not sure it’s indicative of true support when it comes time to cast a vote.”

In recent decades, the candidate who raises the most money almost always wins. And self-funded candidates lose far more often than they win. Spending lots of your own money is not necessarily a key to success, says Sheila Krumholz, executive director of the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics.

Democratic candidates have increasingly eschewed help from super-PACs and corporate PACs. That does create a unique opening for self-funded candidates, Krumholz says. But as disruptive as Bloomberg’s spending might be, she’s not sure it represents a long-term change in campaign finance, even after seeing Trump’s partially self-funded success in 2016. She points to Steyer as an example.

“Steyer has had to pay so much to get where he is,” she says, “which is still, you know, back of the pack.” She adds, “It still seems to me you need to have a lot of money and also the right characteristics.”

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Bloomberg's Insane Spending Could Box His Rivals Out of Key Ad Markets - Mother Jones
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New 'Locke & Key' Trailer Unlocks Netflix's New Strange Series - Collider.com

Netflix has released a new brief trailer for their upcoming series Locke & Key. The show follows the three Locke siblings and their mother who move into their ancestral home, Keyhouse, after the mysterious murder of their father. At Keyhouse, they discover magical keys that may be related to their father’s death.

Will this be the next big Netflix show that get people talking? Unknown! The series is based on a series of popular comics by Joe Hill and Gabriel Rodriguez, so it at least will probably get that fanbase, but beyond that, who knows. At the very least, Netflix may want to start experimenting with week-by-week releases. Even if people do start talking about Locke & Key, it may only be for two weeks instead of two months.

Check out the Locke & Key trailer below. The series arrives on Netflix on February 7th.

Here’s the official synopsis for Locke & Key:

After their father is murdered under mysterious circumstances, the three Locke siblings and their mother move into their ancestral home, Keyhouse, which they discover is full of magical keys that may be connected to their father’s death. As the Locke children explore the different keys and their unique powers, a mysterious demon awakens — and will stop at nothing to steal them. From Carlton Cuse (Lost, Bates Motel) and Meredith Averill (The Haunting of Hill House), the series is a coming-of-age mystery about love, loss, and the unshakable bonds that define family.

Locke & Key on Netflix is the long awaited television adaptation of the best-selling comic book series by Joe Hill and Gabriel Rodríguez for IDW Entertainment.

Locke & Key stars Darby Stanchfield (Scandal) as Nina Locke, Jackson Robert Scott (IT) as Bode Locke, Connor Jessup (American Crime) as Tyler Locke, Emilia Jones (Horrible Histories: The Movie) as Kinsey Locke, Bill Heck(The Ballad of Buster Scruggs) as Rendell Locke, Laysla De Oliveira as Dodge, Sherri Saum as Ellie Whedon, Thomas Mitchell Barnet as Sam Lesser, Griffin Gluck (American Vandal) as Gabe, Coby Bird as Rufus Whedon.

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New 'Locke & Key' Trailer Unlocks Netflix's New Strange Series - Collider.com
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3 Apparel Stocks Look Fitting Near Key Support Levels - Investopedia

Sluggish domestic sales, shifting consumer purchasing patterns, and the drawn-out U.S.-China trade war presented a constant overhang for apparel stocks in 2019. While the group has gained 10.88% over the past year, the S&P 500 wears a return of more than twice that.

Moving into 2020, leading apparel companies continue to bolster their digital initiatives, expand licensing agreements, and expand their reach into less saturated markets outside the United States. Moreover, ongoing efficiency improvements should help combat margin pressures caused by increased operational and marketing costs.

From a valuation standpoint, the industry trades at around 18 times this year's projected earnings – roughly in the midpoint of its five-year range between 14.14x and 23.16x. Turning to the charts, a recent pullback to key support levels in the three names discussed below provides several enticing trading opportunities.

V.F. Corporation (VFC)

V.F. Corporation (VFC) designs and markets branded lifestyle apparel through three business segments: Outdoor, Active, and Work and Jeans. Several of its better-known brands include North Face, Timberland, and Vans. Earlier this month, the $33.77 billion apparel giant said that it was reviewing strategic options that outfit U.S. workers for the occupational niche of its work division. As of Jan. 31, 2020, V.F. stock issues a 2.28% dividend yield and has advanced 9.6% over the past 12 months. Year to date, the shares are trading down about 15%.

The share price has retraced sharply in January, with losses accelerating when the company missed Wall Street's consensus revenue forecast. In recent trading sessions, V.F. stock has stabilized at the $82.50 level, where price encounters support from a 12-month uptrend line that coincides with an oversold relative strength index (RSI) reading. Swing traders should consider setting a profit target near the 52-week high at $100 while managing risk with a stop placed underneath the late October low at $80.65.

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PVH Corp. (PVH)

PVH Corp. (PVH) markets branded apparel in more than 40 countries, distributing its clothing wholesale to retailers and through company-owned stores. The company behind brands Tommy Hilfiger, Calvin Klein, and Van Heusen entered into a licensing agreement with NIKE, Inc. (NKE) last year to design, market, and distribute Nike-branded men's underwear. Digital transformation efforts also remain a priority, with the firm recently creating PVH Digital Assistant, an artificial intelligence-driven mobile app aimed at improving productivity, increasing sales, and enhancing customers' in-store experience. PVH shares have a market value of $6.67 billion, yield 0.17%, and are trading down 13.08% on the year as of Jan. 31, 2020.

After four months of steady gains, PVH shares have started the year with a wave of profit-taking. Active traders should use the early-year pullback as a buying opportunity given the price finds crucial support from the neckline of a textbook inverse head and shoulders pattern. Similar to the case of VFC, the RSI indicates oversold conditions for PVH shares – increasing the chance of an upside reversal. Those who take an entry around $90 should look for a move back up to key resistance levels levels at $107 and $133. Exit if the stock fails to hold above $85.

StockCharts.com

Ralph Lauren Corporation (RL)

With an $8.67 billion market cap, Ralph Lauren Corporation (RL) markets and distributes lifestyle products in North America and globally. The New York upscale clothing company's flagship brands include Polo Ralph Lauren, Chaps, Double RL, and Club Monaco. Despite the firm's North American revenue dipping 1% in the third quarter, sales growth in Europe and Asia of 3% and 4%, respectively, helped the company surpass analysts' top-line forecasts for the period. Wall Street has a 12-month price target on the stock at $125, which is 7.5% above Thursday's $116.25 close. As of Jan. 31, 2020, Ralph Lauren stock has edged 0.83% lower this month.

Buyers appear to be defending the premium clothing maker's share price at $112.50 – an area where it finds a confluence of support from an inverse head and shoulders neckline and a trendline extending back to late August. The formation of a bullish engulfing pattern over the past two trading sessions adds further conviction at these levels. In terms of trade management, traders could set a stop under the Jan.28 low at $111.27 and bank profits on a run-up to the April 2019 swing high near $130.

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3 Apparel Stocks Look Fitting Near Key Support Levels - Investopedia
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EPA re-approves key Roundup chemical | TheHill - The Hill

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has re-approved a chemical used in Bayer's Roundup weed killer despite concerns over its health risks.

The agency is doubling down on its claims that the chemical, glyphosate, doesn’t pose a danger to humans despite thousands of lawsuits that attribute cancer to Roundup.

“The EPA found there was insufficient evidence to conclude that glyphosate plays a role in any human diseases,” said an agency interim registration review decision

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The agency did find that glyphosate presented “low or limited potential risks” in birds and mammals. 

The EPA’s results differ from other research such as a 2015 World Health Organization analysis which found that glyphosate is “probably carcinogenic” to humans. 

The agency received some pushback over the renewed approval. 

“The Trump EPA’s assertion that glyphosate poses no risks to human health disregards independent science findings in favor of confidential industry research and industry profits,” Lori Ann Burd, the Center for Biological Diversity’s director of environmental health, said in a statement. 

“This administration’s troubling allegiance to Bayer/Monsanto and the pesticide industry doesn’t change the trove of peer-reviewed research, by leading scientists, that’s found troubling links between glyphosate and cancer,” Burd added. 

Glyphosate is the most commonly used herbicide among farmers and is the key ingredient in Bayer-Monsanto’s Roundup weed killer. The company faces a myriad of lawsuits regarding the substance. 

Bayer touted the EPA’s determination in a statement on Friday. 

“EPA’s latest decision on glyphosate-based herbicides adds to the long-term evaluation of leading international health authorities that these products can be used safely, and that glyphosate is not carcinogenic,” said in a statement from Bayer AG’s Board of Management member Liam Condon. 

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A look at some key stats and numbers for the Super Bowl - Sun Sentinel

Unfortunately, our website is currently unavailable in most European countries. We are engaged on the issue and committed to looking at options that support our full range of digital offerings to the EU market. We continue to identify technical compliance solutions that will provide all readers with our award-winning journalism.

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A look at some key stats and numbers for the Super Bowl - Sun Sentinel
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Eurozone Growth Hits 6-Year Low as Key Automobile Industry Struggles - The Wall Street Journal

The eurozone’s automobile sector is struggling with a cooling market and the cost of developing electric cars. Photo: ralph orlowski/Reuters

The eurozone’s economy slowed sharply in 2019 as factories faltered amid weak overseas demand and its key automobile industry struggled to get to grips with a cooling market and the costs of developing a new generation of electric cars.

The bloc’s economic weakness also reflects longer-term problems, including an aging and stagnant population, a weak presence in faster-growing digital sectors and problems coordinating its responses to those and other challenges across its 19 member countries.

Economists don’t expect a pickup in economic growth in 2020, although the manufacturing sector is expected to steady as global trade flows level out, aided in part by the recent trade truce between the U.S. and China. But they also say the economy could slow further if trade tensions with the U.S. escalate and the U.K.’s departure from the European Union on Friday leaves the future of commerce with one of the eurozone’s main export markets uncertain.

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What do you think are the major factors affecting Europe’s economy? Join the conversation below.

The European Union’s statistics agency said Friday the eurozone’s gross domestic product—the value of all goods and services produced across the economy—grew 1.2% last year, its weakest expansion since 2013, when the currency area was emerging from its twin government debt and banking crises.

That slowdown was in keeping with a wider global pattern, with the U.S. and China also having recorded decelerations in 2019. However, the eurozone economy was significantly more sluggish than its U.S. counterpart, which expanded by 2.3%. Overall, the global economy had its weakest year since the global financial crisis, although the International Monetary Fund expects to see a modest pickup in 2020.

That is partly due to the actions of leading central banks, with both the Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank cutting their key interest rates in 2019. Rate cuts can take months to work their way through to businesses and households, and the Fed and the ECB moved as recently as October and September, respectively.

Both have indicated they are on hold, believing that the global economy will pick up, but wary of continued threats. One new worry is that the coronavirus outbreak could further slow the Chinese economy, with repercussions for global demand.

Related Video

Slower economic growth, a weaker Chinese yuan and challenges for travel and leisure stocks are among the financial market implications from coronavirus.

“From an economic perspective, the last decade ended with a whimper,” Bank of England Gov. Mark Carney said Thursday, adding that they key question facing policy makers is “whether the new decade is starting with a bang.”

Eurozone GDP rose at an annualized rate of just 0.4% in the three months through December, its weakest expansion since the first quarter of 2013.

That slowdown was partly due to surprise contractions in France and Italy. The former performed better in the previous three quarters and grew by 1.2% over the year as a whole. By contrast, Germany’s economy grew by just 0.6% in 2019, while Spain’s economy expanded by 2%.

There are some signs of a eurozone revival in early 2020. According to a survey by the European Commission, manufacturers were more upbeat about their prospects in January, likely a response to the trade truce between the U.S. and China. And new figures released Thursday showed the eurozone’s unemployment rate fell again in December, reaching its lowest level since May 2008.

One upside for the eurozone economy is that a large part of 2019’s slowdown appears to be due to businesses running down their inventories, a process that has a limit. It is unlikely that inventory drawdowns will be a similar headwind in 2020, and stock building may aid growth.

However, some headwinds will remain, and may intensify. The European Automobile Manufacturers’ Association expects sales of passenger cars across the EU will fall by 2% this year, the first drop since 2013.

Another obstacle is the reluctance of some eurozone governments to stimulate their economies through tax cuts and spending increases, in support of the ECB’s already negative interest rate.

Speaking Saturday in London, U.S. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin urged Germany in particular to act.

“There are countries that have opportunities to expand fiscal on top of monetary,” he said. “Monetary cannot be the only economic tool.”

However, it is unlikely that eurozone governments will deliver the stimulus for which the ECB and other bodies such as the IMF have called. Their plans for 2020 foresee only a modest increase in spending, and reflect the difficulty of directing budgets controlled by national governments toward the eurozone’s broader purpose.

Write to Paul Hannon at paul.hannon@wsj.com

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Tibetan Monks Help Release Sea Turtle in Florida Keys - NBC 6 South Florida

ISLAMORADA, Fla. (AP) — Visiting Tibetan monks helped release a rehabilitated sea turtle in the Florida Keys Thursday.

Hundreds of spectators witnessed the release of “Drifter,” a 170-pound female adult loggerhead sea turtle that was rehabilitated at the Keys-based Turtle Hospital aftershewas found floating offshore of the Lower Keys last November.

The monks, from the Drepung Gomang Monastery in India, have been visiting the Keys for the last week. “Drifter” was released into the Atlantic Ocean off an Islamorada resort after an hour-long ceremony performed by the monks, each an ordained student of the Dalai Lama. Ritual chants aspired that the turtle and other animals enjoy long lives.

Minyak Rinpoche, the group’s leader, said that the key to ultimate happiness is compassion for all living things and loving kindness.

“We did a liberation prayer for the sea turtle, and also at the same time we pray for all the animals, all the species, we pray are free from the suffering and they can have a good time in their life,” Rinpoche said.

Staff at the Turtle Hospital have been rescuing, rehabilitating and returning turtles to the wild for almost 35 years.

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Thursday, January 30, 2020

Blackhawks getting healthy at the right time - NBCSports.com

The NHL All-Star weekend has come and gone and the bye week for the Blackhawks ends on Thursday, when the team returns to practice in Arizona.

The next time the Blackhawks play a game, the calendar will have flipped to February. That means we’re down to the final two months of the regular season.

As of Wednesday, the Blackhawks sit three points out of the last wildcard spot in the Western Conference. But a lot could happen between now and then.

Let’s dive into our latest Blackhawks mailbag to kick off the back half of the 2019-20 campaign:

How will the Hawks utilize their cap space before the trade deadline?

With less than a month until the Feb. 24 trade deadline — which is a week earlier this season — the Blackhawks have a decision to make soon. Will they be buyers or sellers? Quite frankly, the answer right now is: to be determined.

GM Stan Bowman told the Chicago media on Jan. 7 that the next "five or six weeks" will likely determine the course of action at the trade deadline. He reaffirmed that last week to NHL.com.

"I think right now we've got to let it unfold a little bit more," Bowman said. "Kind of give this group a chance to continue on this push we're on."

If the Blackhawks continue to make a run like they have over the last month — they've won 11 of their past 16 games and five of their last six — and creep into a playoff spot, it's going to be awfully difficult to subtract from the roster, even if it might not be good enough to win a Stanley Cup. If they start trending in the wrong direction and slip further outside the playoff picture, the Blackhawks will likely be forced to sell some spare parts.

Another option that can't be dismissed just yet is the idea of taking on a bad contract to recoup some drafts picks or prospects. That is, of course, if the Blackhawks fall out of contention. But that's something they would have to do well before the deadline to give teams that open up cap space a chance to use it. And it would have to be a contract on an expiring deal since the contracts of Calvin de Haan and Brent Seabrook will go back on the books this summer. 

The Blackhawks have roughly $13.8 million in cap space, according to Cap Friendly.

If the team continues to go on a run after the break & Stan does decide to help the team, where do you see the most need? Scoring winger, center on bottom-6 for scoring balance? Or D-man (RHD or LHD? big physical or puckmover) to shore up our D-corps?

The obvious answer is a top-four defenseman of some sort, but here’s why that could get complicated: Five defensemen — Calvin de Haan, Duncan Keith, Olli Maatta, Connor Murphy and Brent Seabrook — are currently under contract for at least the next two seasons after this one, Erik Gustafsson is a pending unrestricted free agent, Adam Boqvist is playing top pairing minutes in the first year of his entry-level contract and Slater Koekkoek is also set to become a restricted free agent.

So if the Blackhawks want to acquire a defenseman, it must be a rental. But they're going to be competing with plenty of other playoff-contending teams and it doesn't make sense to get involved in a bidding war.

The Blackhawks, under these circumstances, would be better off adding a top-nine forward to balance out the four-line rotation. There aren't many centers available, so pencil us in for a scoring winger. 

What is the goal for this season?

At the beginning of the season, the Blackhawks would've told you that getting back to the playoffs is the main goal. And to a large degree, it still is. But they won't try doing so at any cost.

Bowman isn't the type of general manager who will mortgage future assets just to make a run this season or prevent his seat from getting any hotter. He's always weighed both the short term and the long term when negotiating deals, which is why he's going to see how the next few weeks play out before making a final decision on how the Blackhawks should approach the trade deadline.

Could you any Blackhawks player sneaking in a conversation for an award. Most notably Dominik Kubalik for the Calder or Robin Lehner for the Vezina? 

Kubalik has certainly played his way into the Calder Trophy discussion. In our PHWA midseason awards, I had him third on my list behind Cale Makar and Quinn Hughes, who were No. 1 and 2, respectively. It's difficult to see Kubalik jumping them but being in the conversation is impressive on its own.

Kubalik is on pace for 34 goals, which would be the fourth-most in franchise history by a rookie, behind Jeremy Roenick (34), Darryl Sutter (42) and Steve Larmer (43). If he continues to produce at this rate, Kubalik should finish as a finalist.

As far as the Vezina Trophy, Lehner absolutely has to be in the conversation to this point. He was third on my midseason awards ballot, behind Ben Bishop and Connor Hellebuyck, respectively.

Lehner ranks fifth among all goaltenders in goals saved above average (13.3), according to Natural Stat Trick. But of the 55 goaltenders who have at least 16 appearances this season, only one of them has faced more high-danger shots against per 60 minutes than Lehner (9.89) and that’s his teammate Corey Crawford (9.92).

Let me throw this out there too: If Kane has a monster stretch run and guides the Blackhawks to a playoff berth, look for him to sneak into the Hart Trophy conversation.

Anything on Shaw's status?

Andrew Shaw’s concussion history has been well-documented. He found himself in a dark place during the 2016-17 campaign after suffering a concussion in Montreal, so he's going to be extra careful this time around and he has been. He's been sidelined since Nov. 30.

The encouraging news is, Shaw has been around the team more as of late. He was spotted several times before the break observing practice from the bench and joined the team on their latest three-game road trip.

But it doesn’t appear Shaw's return is imminent. 

Will Lehner re-sign?

Lehner has made it known that he likes it in Chicago and believes in this group. But this summer, he wants to be paid market value — both in term and dollar amount. It's really going to come down to what the Blackhawks want to do.

If the Blackhawks fall out of the playoff picture, could they make Lehner available for trade? If so, it's been reported the Carolina Hurricanes would be heavily interested in his services. And they certainly wouldn't be the only team.

If the goal is to continue making strides forward, the Blackhawks should be exploring a long-term extension with Lehner, whether they miss the playoffs this season or not. He's become a valuable piece to the puzzle.

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キー配置を物理的にカスタマイズできるマグネット着脱対応キーボード - ITmedia

 スイッチサイエンスはこのほど、キーレイアウトの物理的カスタマイズができるマグネット着脱式キーボード2製品「DUMANG DK6」「DUMANG Ergo」の販売を開始した。価格はそれぞれ3万8500円、3万6300円だ。

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photo DUMANG DK6(上)、DUMANG Ergo(下)

 キースイッチの位置を自由に変更できるユニークなキーボードで、専用のベースボード上に任意のレイアウトでキーを並べることが可能。キーの固定はマグネット式で、標準では“Kailh BOX スイッチ 赤軸”キースイッチを採用する他、別途Cherry MX互換キースイッチに差し替えることも可能だ。

 2製品ともに左右分割型キーボードを構成できるベースボード2枚を付属。付属キー数は、フラットタイプのDUMANG DK6が88キー、親指部に複数キーを配置できるエルゴデザインタイプのDUMANG Ergoは76キーとなっている。接続インタフェースはUSB Type-Cに対応した(左右のベースはそれぞれ個別にPCに接続する必要があるためPC側で2ポートを占有する)。

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GOP Sen. Lamar Alexander, key impeachment vote, to reveal decision on witnesses tonight - NBCNews.com

Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., a key impeachment swing vote, will on Thursday night reveal whether or not he supports calling witnesses in President Donald Trump's Senate impeachment trial.

Alexander, who's retiring from Congress at the end of the year, is among a small group of Republican senators who had hinted during the trial they could vote to hear from witnesses who had first-hand knowledge of Trump's conduct towards Ukraine.

Former national security adviser John Bolton and acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney are among the witnesses Democrats have called on to testify.

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Republican Sens. Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah were also considered to be top targets for Democrats who want to hear new witness testimony and documentary evidence at the Senate trial. Four Republicans will need to vote alongside all Democrats in order for new witness testimony to be admitted.

Alexander privately huddled with Murkowski during Thursday's dinner break, according to a senior Republican aide close to Alexander. The two lawmakers discussed where they are on witnesses but are not coordinating their final decision, the aide tells NBC News. It's unclear which way he will vote.

Jan. 18, 202002:51

Alexander, who served two terms as governor of Tennessee before two unsuccessful runs for president, has a history of bipartisanship. He worked with Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and a handful of other Democrats to make it easier for the Senate to confirm the presidential nominees.

As chair of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, The Tennessee Republican worked closely with Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., the committee's ranking member, to make sweeping education reforms.

Alexander asked his first question during the Senate trial on Thursday, along with two other senators, in which he pressed the House managers to compare the bipartisanship in the Nixon, Clinton and Trump impeachment proceedings.

"Specifically how bipartisan was the vote in the House of Representatives to authorize and direct the House Committees to begin formal impeachment inquiries for each of the three presidents?" he asked, signaling possible frustration that the House vote against Trump was not bipartisan.

Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-Calif., who was a House Judiciary Committee staffer during President Nixon's impeachment proceedings and a member of the committee during both the Clinton and Trump impeachments, said neither were truly bipartisan.

"In the Nixon impeachment we look back and we think about the vote on the House Judiciary Committee that ended up bipartisan but it didn't start that way," she said. "When it came to the Clinton impeachment. That was, again, It started out along very partisan lines. And it ended along partisan lines."

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Voters In Colorado, A Key Swing State, React To Impeachment Proceedings - NPR

How are voters in Colorado, where a major Senate race is underway, reacting to President Trump's impeachment trial?

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Senate impeachment trial: Key senator speaks up and Schiff pitches one-week deposition schedule - CNN International

Alexander's question was potentially a significant moment in the trial, as the Tennessee Republican could be the swing vote on whether the Senate seeks witnesses. He has not divulged his thinking -- but he told CNN on Thursday that he would announce his decision after the Senate gavels out this evening.
"I'm going to make my decision after the last question tonight," Alexander said.
Alexander — unlike the other three swing-vote GOP senators — has avoided showing any hint of where he's leaning. "I'm trying to stay right down the middle," he told CNN.
Responding to Alexander's bipartisanship question in the chamber, Rep. Zoe Lofgren, a California Democrat who was a staffer during the Nixon impeachment inquiry and a House member in the Clinton impeachment, responded that the Nixon impeachment effort wasn't always bipartisan -- it shifted only at the end, she said -- and that she was disappointed Republicans haven't joined with Democrats up to this point. "You have an opportunity here," she said.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, a New York Democrat, followed up the question by asking the House managers to explain how requesting witnesses could be done in a limited fashion. House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff, a California Democrat who is the lead impeachment manager, responded by arguing for a one-week period for closed-door depositions and a "limited" time for witness testimony for the trial, an effort to address Republican criticisms that witnesses would lead to endless delays.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, then asked his first question in the two days that senators have queried the House managers and the President's team, giving the defense counsel a chance to respond to the House's assertions about bipartisanship and impeachment.
The trio of questions were a potentially pivotal moment as the Senate nears a vote Friday to decide the fate of President Donald Trump's impeachment trial -- and whether witnesses like former national security adviser John Bolton will testify.
Senate Republicans are expressing increasing confidence they have the votes to block witnesses on Friday, a scenario that includes Alexander siding with them.
Impeachment state of play: Senate Republicans on brink of bringing trial to an end
Two Republicans, Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Mitt Romney of Utah, appear likely to vote for witnesses, and a third, Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, may join them.
Alexander, who is close to McConnell, has not tipped his hand.
Beyond those four senators, Democrats are quickly running out of options, as potential GOP crossovers have declared they are voting against witnesses or signaled that's how they are leaning.
During the dinner break, Alexander met with Murkowski. He told CNN that the two aren't coordinating.
"We were just talking," Alexander said, adding that the group of swing senators are "all doing things independently."
"Lisa and I often talk about what we are doing," Alexander said.
Asked where he's leaning, the Tennessee Republican said: "I'm not saying."
Like Wednesday's session, in which more than 90 questions were asked, many of the questions asked on Thursday were lobbed as friendly queries -- Democrats giving the managers the chance to make a point, and Republicans responding with the same tactic for the defense counsel. But key questions were interspersed both from undecided senators and to challenge the opposing side, which led to some illuminating and insightful -- and sometimes less than insightful -- responses.
Murkowski offered a hint at her thinking with a pointed question to the President's counsel, asking about contradiction between the testimony of US Ambassador Gordon Sondland and statements from GOP Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin versusthe reporting about Bolton's book.
"This dispute about material facts weighs in favor of calling additional witnesses with direct knowledge. Why should this body not call Ambassador Bolton?" Murkowski asked.
The Senate is expected to vote Friday on whether to seek witnesses and documents, a vote that will decide if the trial comes to a quick acquittal or extends into an unpredictable phase where the testimony of Bolton, Joe and Hunter Biden and others could be sought.

Question time continues

On Thursday, there were even a handful of bipartisan questions with the senators considered on the fence. Collins and Murkowski joined with Democratic Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona to the President's team: would the President adhere to the Logan Act and guarantee that private citizens would not be directed to conduct foreign policy unless they have been designated by the government.
Patrick Philbin, a member of Trump's legal team, responded there was nothing wrong with the President directing his personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, to deal with Ukraine, but he also maintained that the former New York mayor was not conducting any policy with the country.
Another bipartisan question followed not long after from Murkowski and Democratic Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii, who asked where was the line between political actions and impeachable conduct.
The House managers often turned their attention to the key Republican senators.
House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler invoked Collins and Murkowski by name to circle back to their question from Wednesday about "mixed motives" with regard to the withholding of US aid and the push for investigations, charging that the defense team's argument was "nonsense" that mixed motives would exonerate the President.
"Once you prove a corrupt act, that's it," Nadler said.
Collins' later asked another question with several Republican colleagues about whether there were legitimate circumstances for a President to ask a foreign government to investigate a US citizen, including a political rival. Schiff answered that question, but the lead impeachment manager also pivoted back to the same "mixed motives," question, making eye contact with Collins in his response as she took notes.
Schiff made his pitch for the Senate to call witnesses.
"If you have any question about whether the motive was mixed or not mixed, ask John Bolton," he said.

Paul question rejected by Roberts

The Senate trial began Thursday with a quick and quiet ending to a behind-the-scenes fight that simmered throughout the day on Wednesday, as Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky pushed to ask a question that would have named the alleged whistleblower. Roberts signaled to senators earlier this week he would not read any questions that included the alleged name of the whistleblower, and GOP leaders tried to come to a resolution with Paul on Wednesday.
McConnell indirectly referenced the dispute at the start of Thursday's session. "We've been respectful of the chief justice's unique position in reading our questions, I want to be able to continue to assure him that that level of consideration for him will continue," McConnell said.
But Paul insisted on asking the question, and he submitted it as the first GOP question. Roberts was handed Paul's tan card and read the question to himself for a moment. "The presiding officer declines to read the question as submitted," Roberts said, moving onto the next question.
Paul went to the Senate television studio right after the question was rejected, and read it there to reporters, which included the alleged name of the whistleblower and asked about connections with a member of Schiff's staff.
Later in the day, a group of Republicans asked another question about the member of Schiff's staff and the alleged whistleblower that named only the committee aide. Roberts read that question.
Schiff responded that he was "appalled" at the attacks on his staff, saying he would not respond to the smears coming from a newspaper article. "Members of this body used to care about the protection of whistleblower identities. They didn't use to gratuitously attack members of committee staff. But now they do," Schiff said.
The President's personal attorney, Jay Sekulow, responded that the whistleblower has protection from retribution, but not "complete anonymity."
"We can't just say it's not a relevant inquiry to know who on the staff that conducted the primary investigation here was in communication with that whistleblower, especially after Mr. Schiff denied that he or his staff had even had any conversations with the whistleblower," Sekulow said.

Arguing about witnesses

During Wednesday's session, both the President's team and the House managers struggled to answer questions from Collins directly. But she declined to say Thursday how those responses would shape her thinking on the witness vote or the final outcome of the trial.
"I'm not going to be commenting further," she said Thursday. "I look forward to today's Q&A. I thought yesterday's Q&A was very interesting."
Alexander told CNN Thursday that he still has not made up his mind on how he will vote on witnesses. He said he is prepared to listen to the process and the rest of the question-and-answer session.
Democrats, meanwhile, were incensed with several answers the President's team offered. Sen. Mark Warner, the top Senate Intelligence Committee Democrat, slammed the President's team for arguing "foreign interference, in a sense, is OK if it doesn't fall into the classic definition of a campaign contribution."
And numerous Democrats criticized Harvard law professor emeritus Alan Dershowitz for arguing the President cannot be impeached for a quid quo pro if he thinks he's acting in the national interest. "If a President does something which he believes will help him get elected in the public interest, that cannot be the kind of quid pro quo that results in impeachment," Dershowitz said.
"Republicans have gone from denying what the President did, to normalizing it by claiming every President does it, to now saying there's nothing wrong with it even if he did it," Schumer said Thursday.
Alan Dershowitz argues presidential quid pro quos aimed at reelection are not impeachable
Dershowitz tried to clean up the response on Twitter Thursday, saying: "They characterized my argument as if I had said that if a president believes that his re-election was in the national interest, he can do anything. I said nothing like that, as anyone who actually heard what I said can attest."
Republicans defended the President's attorney. "He makes a lot of very extreme examples to make his point," said GOP Sen. Kevin Cramer of North Dakota. "I have a tendency to do the same thing from time to time and sometimes that can be misconstrued."
While much of the focus is on the Republicans, some moderate Democrats have yet to say how they will vote on the overall outcome of the trial. "Am I wrestling with it? Every minute of every day," Sen. Joe Manchin, a West Virginia Democrat, said Thursday, adding he was "still in shock" over Dershowitz's comments.
This story has been updated with additional developments Thursday.

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